Role of the military

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Members of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces on board a Royal Australian Air Force C-17A Globemaster III aircraft bound for Australia for military training. Picture: SUPPLIED

Fiji’s military has had a proud, long and largely honourable history which goes back even to the paramilitary force that supported the pre-colonial government of Ratu Seru Cakobau.

A total of 700 men left Fiji for active service with the Allies during World War I.

In the same war the great Fijian leader Ratu Sukuna enlisted in the French Foreign Legion.

He was wounded in battle. For his bravery in war, he was awarded the Croix de Guerre, given to individuals who distinguish themselves by acts of heroism involving combat with the enemy.

The First Battalion Fiji Military Forces was established in 1940 during the Second World War, fighting in the Pacific.

It was during this period that Corporal Sefanaia Sukanaivalu was killed in battle at Mawaraka, Bougainville on 23 June 1944.

He was posthumously awarded the Victoria Cross for saving the lives of fellow soldiers when their platoon was ambushed by the enemy.

In early 1951, Ratu Sukuna visited Tavuki in Kadavu and conveyed to the chiefs of that province the wish of King George VI (father of the present Queen) to have a battalion of men from Fiji for service overseas.

Later that year, the colonial government deployed a Fiji Battalion in the Malayan campaign against insurgents in that country. Amongst those who enlisted was my close relative Ratu Manu Korovulavula with his younger brother Nacani.

Post independence

By 1970, at the time of Independence, the Fiji Defence Force had evolved into the Royal Fiji Military Forces (although there were reportedly efforts from London to discourage the continuation of a military altogether).

The central role of the army was to guarantee internal security and if necessary and called upon, to assist the police in the maintenance of domestic law and order.

Year 1978 was to prove a watershed year for the RFMF. Following the invasion of Lebanon by Israel, Fiji sent peacekeepers to serve with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL). More than 20 Fijian soldiers have been killed in the UNIFIL mission.

In 1982 another battalion was sent to the Sinai (MFO) under American command.

On a per capita basis, Fiji has sent more soldiers on UN peacekeeping missions than any other country.

The 1970 Constitution makes no mention of the RFMF.

For the first time, Article 94 (1) of the 1990 Constitution elevated the RFMF to constitutional status and “established” the Republic of Fiji Military Force.

Article 94(3) stated “It shall be the overall responsibility of the RFMF to ensure at all times the security, defence and well-being of Fiji and its peoples”.

The subsequent 1997 Constitution however does not refer to the RFMF.

However, Article 131(2) of the 2013 or present Constitution states: “It shall be the overall responsibility of the RFMF to ensure at all times the security, defence and well-being of Fiji and all Fijians”.

Article 131(2) is almost identical to Article 94(1) of the 1990 Constitution.

Political involvement

RFMF intervention in politics started on May 14, 1987 when the then Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka ousted Prime Minister Timoci Bavadra.

It is believed that the Counter Revolutionary Warfare (CRW) unit in the RFMF also supported George Speight’s attempted coup of 2000.

On December 5, 2006, the military removed. Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase from power.

Its commander at the time said “We consider that Fiji has reached a crossroads and that the government and all those empowered to make decisions in our constitutional democracy are unable to make these decisions to save our people from destruction”.

The military, which had “observed the concern and anguish of the deteriorating state of our beloved Fiji”, had, therefore, ‘taken over the government as executive authority in the running of the country’.

Subsequently the Commodore, Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama, has won two elections (2014, 2018) under the 2013 Constitution.

Some observers have queried whether Article 131(2) of the Constitution implies that the RFMF is “the fourth branch of government”.

I would respectfully disagree with this suggestion.

While the plain words of the article appear to extend a broad licence to the RFMF to participate in civic affairs with respect to the “security, defence and well-being of Fiji and all Fijians”, there is nothing in the letter or spirit of the Constitution which provides to the military any explicit role in political governance.

Indeed, the Constitution is expressed in terms of respect for human rights, freedom and the rule of law (Article 1(a)) and founded on the values of good governance and separation of powers.

It is also clear that in interpreting the Constitution, it must promote the spirit, purpose and objects of the Constitution as a whole and the values that underlie a democratic society based on equality and freedom (Article 3).

In a representative democracy (to which Fiji is supposed to aspire), the role of the military is well established. Political control of the military lies in the hands of elected politicians and civilian officials.

The military is responsible to the elected government of the day, typically though a minister of the Cabinet.

It is a central tenet of constitutional government that the military is controlled by those officials who in turn are subject themselves to the rule of law and the democratic process.

“Under the conditions of pluralistic democracy, the relations between the armed forces and civilians are, at least theoretically, quite straightforward,: says one academic writer (Van Gils).

“Soldiers are public officials. They are not the embodiment of any particular set of values.

“They are not the chosen defenders of any specific social or political institution. They hold public office on the assumption that they will provide society with a specific set of services whenever society considers itself in the need of having such services performed.”

Under Fiji’s system of government, it is the Cabinet which determines policy and gives directions to the army through the Commander. The army is not a stand-alone institution which sits above the law.

As one observer (Huntington) has commented, “Politics is beyond the scope of military competence, and the participation of military officers in politics undermines their professionalism. The military officer must remain neutral politically.

“The area of military science is subordinate to, and yet independent of, the area of politics. The military profession exists to serve the state. The superior political wisdom of the statesman must be accepted as a fact.”

Fiji’s coup of 1987 appears to have whetted the appetite of some elements in the RFMF for participation in politics, governance and civic affairs.

In principle, all citizens are able to enjoy such participation. But army officers and soldiers who are also public servants paid from the treasury are required to be above partisan politics, not active participants.

Many officers in the RFMF have enjoyed the fruit of successive extra-constitutional usurpations of government. This has come in the form of diplomatic and senior appointments in the public service, greater recognition and stature.

They have basked in the success of post-coup administrations which have provided a stepping stone to career advancement, higher salaries and promotions

Concluding observations

Fiji is poised to have general elections in 2022.

Under Article 58(3) of the Constitution, the President may dissolve Parliament but only after a lapse of three years and six months from the first sitting after the last general elections.

The next election will be a defining one for the country which is in the wake of a global pandemic.

The economy is, by all accounts, in bad shape. The national mood is grim. Unemployment, the public debt and poverty is at an all-time high.

It is against this background that the general elections will be held. It is vital that the military respects the will of the people and the result of credible, free and fair elections.

The army must remain neutral, understanding its constitutional role and the limits inherent in that role.

In some countries the military has played a constructive role in strengthening democracy.

In others it has had a destabilising influence as we have seen in the recent example of Myanmar.

The fall of the government of President Syngman Rhee (South Korea), widely regarded as a dictatorship, would not have occurred had he been supported by the army.

The RFMF has served in peacekeeping operations with other Commonwealth countries, notably Ghana and Nigeria.

Both these countries used to be ruled by military strongmen but have since returned to democratic rule bringing an end to military dictatorship. Democracy may be messy but the alternatives are worse.

Article 131 of the Constitution is not a licence for the army to interfere with the will of the people when it is freely expressed.

Fiji is at a crossroads. The challenge for the RFMF and its leaders will be to help steer the country to a fully democratic political system where the Constitution, the rule of law and human rights are fully respected and protected.

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