THIS year was full of incredulous events. Some may even hold that 2008 has been beyond incredulous, particularly when one ponders on the developments in the political (or is military the more appropriate noun) arena.
It began with a Cabinet reshuffle and reduction; a move widely applauded given the resultant ease on the State's depleted coffers.
The applause was shortlived however as rumours of the military council sitting in at Cabinet meetings were confirmed.
This only served to compound existing fears of the militarisation of the State given that many senior officers had already been posted to certain government offices and departments.
Yet, like most concerns raised in the media, the fears were labelled misplaced on the basis that the council members were merely observers.
National Council of Building a Better Fiji
A new chapter to the incredulous developments that began in the December of two years ago was opened when the military's so-called exit strategy, namely the National Council for Building a Better Fiji, was put in motion.
The council was to draft the People's Charter, the document that would bear the voice of the people on matters of national interest like electoral reforms and the national identity.
In the absence of a Parliament of the people's representatives, the charter was touted by the government usurpers as the best solution.
Once again the nation was reminded that the legalities were matters for the courts, that the 1997 Constitution was still alive, and that what was of utmost importance was for the nation to move forward.
After all, the electoral reforms sought through the charter were necessary to establish a just and solid democracy, the people were told.
It will "strengthen" the 1997 Constitution but it will "not supersede" it, they assured, even though the Constitution sets out electoral reforms can only be made through Parliament.
In the face of increasing poverty, unemployment and rising living costs, more than $2.4 million was allocated to this exercise which interestingly sought to tackle every national problem, except the military's role in Fiji's coup cycle.
Several reputed members of the council resigned early when doubts set in over the council's independence but this did not deter the rest of the machinery from pursuing its missions.
The crowd turnouts at their organised consultations or awareness meetings were largely poor and yet at the end of it all, the council reports that about 342,592 adults supported the charter.
This bewilderment is compounded as the President proceeds to accept the report and in doing so has approved that a special council _ National People's Charter Council, be set up to oversee the implementation of the Charter's recommendations or 11 pillars by the government of the day, military or elected, for the next 12 years.
The Rule of Law
The rule of law was naturally under intense scrutiny as a result of the political situation that saw the suspension of the then chief justice Daniel Fatiaki and the resignation of six Fiji Court of Appeal judges.
Doubts on the status of the rule of law intensified when the interim refused to entertain scrutiny by the International Bar Association. The IBA's representative Felicia Johnston was deported immediately after her arrival.
Many questioned the interim regime's reluctance to entertain the IBA. Ironically, their very actions created more doubt about the independence the judiciary.
Tax evasaions
While we are on inquiries, the inquiry into tax evasion allegations against then interim Finance Minister Mahendra Chaudhry is another one for the books as it took less than three days to be completed.
The three-member team was led by lawyer Bruce Cowley, who was associated with interim attorney-general Aiyaz Saiyad Khaiyum in the past. The A-G assured that their association was only on a professional basis. The inquiry, labeled by many as a farce, cleared Chaudhry of any tax breaches.
Chaudhry was later also caught out in regards to the Sugar Cane Growers Council election. The state information office issued a Cabinet statement that the election had been deferred to April 2010 following Chaudhry's recommendations in a report.
The report stated that Sugar Commission of Fiji chairman John May supported the deferment but within 24 hours May categorically denied this.
The Great Council of Chiefs
Another act that left many scratching their heads was when the suspended Great Council of Chiefs was re-engineered early in the year by interim Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama who gazetted himself as the head of the Great Council of Chiefs.
The Takeover's legality
The deposed Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase's case in regards to the legality of the military takeover and the jurisdiction of the President's powers was another development worthy of note.
The case, which began in March after a very public arrest following a special court sitting late in the evening, was dismissed by the High Court. The issues are still before the court.
Election dates
Perhaps, chief among this list of incredulous happenings is Bainimarama's insistence that he never committed to a March 2009 poll, and even implied that he was coerced into accepting the deadline at the Forum meeting in 2007. This confession followed the Forum Foreign Affairs meeting in Auckland which resolved that a Ministerial Contact Group be formed to monitor progress of Fiji's preparations for elections. Even then, the Forum leaders chose to have faith in the military's "word of honour". "We believe there is no reason to lie about it," Papua New Guinea's Foreign Minister Samuel Abal had said. Everyone soon learnt the bitter truth.
But then, where does that place the deportation of New Zealand's acting High Commissioner to Fiji Caroline McDonald. Just as the interim regime had a chance to patch its relations with our important trading partner given the softer approach the new government had taken, it was decided that it was in the public's interest to deport. To date, no specific reason has been given.
Then there's the case earlier in the year in which Australia's High Commisisoner to Fiji James Batley is threatened. Naturally, the diplomatic mission requested that it be allowed to increase its security personnel. This meant flying over one more Australian national from its disciplined force. The request was denied and instead local police were stationed outside the High Commission. Police investigations have not brought any suspects to court.
Then there's the bizarre case of Dr Maurice Coughlan, who was appointed Supervisor of Elections. Dr Coughlan stepped down from the post after the media revealed that he had been debarred after he was convicted of fraud. How Dr Coughlan even made it into the shortlisted applicants is telling of the selection process.
Media bosses
Finally, how can we forget the disturbing manner at which this newspaper's publisher-then Evan Hannah and the Fiji Sun's former publisher Russell Hunter were deported.
Not only were they denied their rights, they were stolen in the nights and deported despite court orders issued that they be produced in court.
In fact, so desperate were the state officials to rid the Australian nationals before being directly served the orders that Mr Hannah was deported to South Korea, where he had no links at all; neither family nor friends.
And, on the same day Mr Hunter, who was the first to be meted this unsavoury fate, was deported, the Immigration Act was amended to bar any court appeals against the Immigration Minister's decision to deport.
Much has happened this year. Some of it would be best forgotten. What can be expected of the new year is on everyone's lips.
While most can only dare to hope, what is almost of clear certainty is that the people can expect more incredulous, perplexing developments given the host of unexpected events on the political front in the last two years.
